44 votes

Protests seen as harming civil rights movement in the '60s—What we can learn from this for climate justice

Protests Seen as Harming Civil Rights Movement in the '60s

I've recently had some conversations about activism and protesting about climate change on Tildes, which made me remember these polls again. I think they are a good historical reminder, and they demonstrate that masses much too often care more about comfort and privilege rather than justice.

These polls also show that you don't need to convince the majority to effect change. In fact, focusing on that might be detrimental to your cause. People who are bothered by your protest, because it disrupts "order", will try to tell you how to effect change while sitting in their own comfort. But this is not important.

Here is the gist of it, with MLK's own words.

"First, I must confess that over the past few years I have been gravely disappointed with the white moderate. I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to "order" than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: "I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action"; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept of time and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a "more convenient season." Shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will. Lukewarm acceptance is much more bewildering than outright rejection."

Believing in the timetables created by comformist opinions would be a grave mistake for climate activists. We need more confrontation, more radical acts, and more direct action. We don't need to make friends with the majority to do this. We need to shake things up, and most people don't like that. You can see this by the worsening majority opinion of the Civil Rights movement after they intensified protests. But the activists were right, it was an urgent matter, and they succeeded. So, we don't need to play nice.

For example, after MLK's asssassination people started burning down cities, which resulted in the Civil Rights Act of 1968 passing. You can see this in the citations; basically the government feared further escalation, and that's why they had to pass the act. Another example is the suffragettes' bombing and arson campaign in Britain and Ireland, which helped with their cause by putting pressure on people in power.

I'm not giving these examples to say there should or should not be one-to-one copies, but to show that being radically confrontational does work. Radical confrontation and direct action are what we need for climate justice, because time has been running out for a while, and every day past without a radical change makes things much worse. So we should cast off the yoke of mass approval and meekness. We need to embrace the confrontation.

27 comments

  1. [9]
    Gekko
    Link
    It's an excellent quote and echoes my own frustration with people during the "recent" BLM protests of a few years ago, and the Pro-Palestine protests of today as well as all climate activism....

    It's an excellent quote and echoes my own frustration with people during the "recent" BLM protests of a few years ago, and the Pro-Palestine protests of today as well as all climate activism.

    People will say things like "I support their cause (or I would) but if you're blocking traffic it just makes me against what you're for". There's something disgusting about someone putting their own personal comfort over the plight of protesters. It's proof that they really don't have an opinion about the subject of the protest, or fundamentally misunderstand what a protest is.

    It makes me depressed at how sanitized our education of MLK and Gandhi were in school. That they did peaceful and friendly protests so often that the powers that be just got tired of being bad and finally did the right thing, or some nonsense.

    44 votes
    1. bloup
      Link Parent
      It’s also an inherent act of victim blaming when you literally acknowledge that these injustices exist, but then direct your contempt towards the people whose methodology you disagree with and not...

      It’s also an inherent act of victim blaming when you literally acknowledge that these injustices exist, but then direct your contempt towards the people whose methodology you disagree with and not the people responsible for the sentiment in the first place.

      34 votes
    2. daywalker
      Link Parent
      It's an ideological belief that masquarades as a reasonable approach. It's pure conformism. Studying the unofficial versions of societal changes due to activism shows how empty its logic is....

      It's an ideological belief that masquarades as a reasonable approach. It's pure conformism. Studying the unofficial versions of societal changes due to activism shows how empty its logic is.

      Another critical example that shows how Civil Rights Movement, even MLK himself, wasn't as pacifist as presented by the current status-quo.

      In This Nonviolent Stuff’ll Get You Killed, Charles E. Cobb Jr., himself a former field secretary for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), tells the history of how the civil rights movement was girdled with armed protection. In the Deep South, rural African American communities had developed a long tradition of staving off murderous assaults with weapons; when the movement took root and began to deliver concrete benefits, it faced the same threat to physical survival. Klansmen and other white supremacists would surround movement bases in the night, assassinate activists, ambush marches and seek to drown the budding civil rights in blood. Too much was on the line for black communities to let that happen. Hence they produced stockpiled guns, refurbished movement bases – ‘freedom houses’ – into veritable fortifications, provided armed escorts for field secretaries from SNCC and CORE, organised armed caravans to and from mass meetings. Guns in hand, black people chased away Klansmen in the night, guarded picket lines from a distance, accompanied marches and voter registrations not in opposition to but in unison with the civil rights movement. Committed pacifists from the North tended to adapt to these realities. Even the reverend did: visiting Martin Luther King in his parsonage, soon after his home had been bombed, a journalist was about to sink into an armchair when he was alerted to a couple of loaded guns on it. ‘Just for self-defence,’ King explained.

      • Andreas Malm, "How to Blow Up a Pipeline", 2021, 1st edition
      22 votes
    3. [6]
      parsley
      Link Parent
      Because most protests are parades meant to get attention from the media. Cutting traffic does nothing by itself for human rights, climate, etc. Making someone miss / be late for work, their...

      Because most protests are parades meant to get attention from the media. Cutting traffic does nothing by itself for human rights, climate, etc. Making someone miss / be late for work, their children school, or worse, a hospital visit does not make said person sympathize with you, no matter how noble your cause is (for you).

      (IHMO) a productive protest should only hurt the people you are protesting against, but that requires a much higher degree of organization and possibly keeping it secret from social media platforms.

      8 votes
      1. ButteredToast
        Link Parent
        This is what has me on the fence. Blocking a weekend trip to the mall is one thing and falls strictly under the realm of comfort, but how many employers are going to exercise patience and...

        This is what has me on the fence. Blocking a weekend trip to the mall is one thing and falls strictly under the realm of comfort, but how many employers are going to exercise patience and understanding towards employees who end up late for work, especially if it happens repeatedly?

        Depending on the severity of disruption, it's potentially putting peoples' livelihoods at stake. It also arguably has a disproportionately high likelihood of negatively impacting people who are already hurting, with employers on the lower half of the payscale generally giving employees far less leeway on this sort of thing than those on the upper half. So while it's an effective way to get attention it's much much more likely to breed ire towards the protesters than the cause they're protesting for.

        This is also complicated by the context of the modern age, in which mass media and politicians will use effective protest as a boogeyman to unite against and earn votes, imperiling the cause in question. So while I see the need for radical action, I'm not sure how that can be enacted without smothering the cause in the process.

        9 votes
      2. [4]
        public
        Link Parent
        This is both a response to you and to @lou's comment that protests often have other goals beyond "mere" policy wins or positive shifts in public support. I'd give much greater respect to radical...

        a productive protest should only hurt the people you are protesting against, but that requires a much higher degree of organization and possibly keeping it secret from social media platforms.

        This is both a response to you and to @lou's comment that protests often have other goals beyond "mere" policy wins or positive shifts in public support.

        I'd give much greater respect to radical protestors and rioters if they showed the least bit of pragmatism toward their nominal goals. Instead, as Lou said, it's about solidifying the social bonds within the protest movement by doing activism correctly. Often times, protests designed to disrupt the ordinary citizen seem like the South Park underpants gnome sketch.

        1. Disrupt the commute of taxpayers and get them written up for tardiness
        2. ???
        3. Mass cultural improvement resulting in policy change

        Further, tactics that worked well in the 60s are less effective at disrupting the people who you need to disrupt due to remote work. There's a 10,000-strong BLM protest downtown? The statehouse has been empty since the pandemic, and legislating continues as usual via Zoom. Police kettled them, and the local hooligans decided to use it as cover to spark a riot? Let them have their fun: the policymakers are safe in their home districts, and the protestors will get bored soon enough. The local glazier's union is the only material beneficiary.

        If one wants to freak policymakers the FUCK out, take those same 10,000 people and place 25 of them at each of the 4 corners of the city's 100 busiest intersections. No need to block traffic (yet). They're unavoidably visible to all, and the threat that they could shut down traffic is often more potent than actually having roads closed. More importantly, it shows organization & discipline of coordinated resistance.

        7 votes
        1. lou
          (edited )
          Link Parent
          I wouldn't wanna devalue protests as a whole by qualifying them as insincere, but large protests are the cumulation of a miryad of complex desires and emotions, both personal and collective. So I...

          I wouldn't wanna devalue protests as a whole by qualifying them as insincere, but large protests are the cumulation of a miryad of complex desires and emotions, both personal and collective. So I wouldn't say that protests are not about their express practical goals, but rather that those explicit goals are intertwined with a complex web of unstated motives that may be valuable and worthy themselves.

          6 votes
        2. [2]
          parsley
          Link Parent
          Like billboards with ads or homeless people, once they become part of the scenery people will likely filter them out. I really don't have a good solution to this. These open movements are very...

          They're unavoidably visible to all

          Like billboards with ads or homeless people, once they become part of the scenery people will likely filter them out.

          I really don't have a good solution to this. These open movements are very easy to hijack by rioters, media, and even movement organizers with their own agendas. If the logic behind an action is just an appeal to emotion I get extremely skeptical.

          1 vote
          1. public
            Link Parent
            If they're there every day, you're absolutely right. However, they will be noticed if it's no more frequent than a monthly occurrence.

            If they're there every day, you're absolutely right. However, they will be noticed if it's no more frequent than a monthly occurrence.

            1 vote
  2. [3]
    lou
    (edited )
    Link
    Effecting direct change is certainly one of the most important goals of a protest but it is far from being the only one. Among other purposes, protests serve for a group to measure their numbers,...

    Effecting direct change is certainly one of the most important goals of a protest but it is far from being the only one. Among other purposes, protests serve for a group to measure their numbers, get a grip on their strength, enrich their collective history and narrative, as well as to create and reinforce emotional bonds.

    Public protests allow participants to prove their worth through increasingly radical acts, and the sum of everyone's participations may cause a group's hierarchy to shift. Through their displays, protests also serve as recruitment tools.

    It may be valuable to keep in mind some less obvious reasons why people protest.

    12 votes
    1. [2]
      Minori
      Link Parent
      I promise I'm not trying to be uncharitable, but it kinda sounds like such protest movements are more focused on creating an activist class than affecting real policy changes?

      I promise I'm not trying to be uncharitable, but it kinda sounds like such protest movements are more focused on creating an activist class than affecting real policy changes?

      1 vote
      1. lou
        Link Parent
        Copying from my answer to another comment:

        Copying from my answer to another comment:

        I wouldn't wanna devalue protests as a whole by qualifying them as insincere, but large protests are the cumulation of a miryad of complex desires and emotions, both personal and collective. So I wouldn't say that protests are not about their express practical goals, but rather that those explicit goals are intertwined with a complex web of unstated motives that may be valuable and worthy themselves.

        5 votes
  3. [7]
    bret
    Link
    On the other hand, that speech was specifically made in light of a series of nonviolent protests against racial segregation and injustices in Birmingham - protests, sit-ins, marches, and their...

    On the other hand, that speech was specifically made in light of a series of nonviolent protests against racial segregation and injustices in Birmingham - protests, sit-ins, marches, and their response. Yet I see this speech being quoted by people trying to justify actual riots, burning down businesses, and marches that have the specific goal of blocking traffic like we now sometimes see. People will incorrectly cite this MLK speech, a great nonviolent activist, to do violent activism - something MLK never did

    9 votes
    1. [2]
      kwyjibo
      Link Parent
      In The Trumpet of Conscience, a book consisting of lectures MLK gave in late 1967, months before his assassination, he says (p 57-59):

      In The Trumpet of Conscience, a book consisting of lectures MLK gave in late 1967, months before his assassination, he says (p 57-59):

      First of all, will nonviolence work, psychologically, after the summer of 1967? Many people feel that nonviolence as a strategy for social change was cremated in the flames of the urban riots of the last two years. They tell us that Negroes have only now begun to find their true manhood in violence; that the riots prove not only that Negroes hate whites, but that, compulsively, they must destroy them.

      This bloodlust interpretation ignores one of the most striking features of the city riots. Violent they certainly were. But the violence, to a startling degree, was focused against property rather than against people. There were very few cases of injury to persons, and the vast majority of the rioters were not involved at all in attacking people. The much publicized “death toll” that marked the riots, and the many injuries, were overwhelmingly inflicted on the rioters by the military. It is clear that the riots were exacerbated by police action that was designed to injure or even to kill people. As for the snipers, no account of the riots claims that more than one or two dozen people were involved in sniping. From the facts, and unmistakable pattern emerges: a handful of Negroes used gunfire substantially to intimidate, not to kill; and all of the other participants had a different target — property.

      The focus on property in the 1967 riots is not accidental. It has a message; it is saying something.

      I am aware that there are many who wince at a distinction between property and persons — who hold both sacrosanct. My views are not so rigid. A life is sacred. Property is intended to serve life, and no matter how much we surround it with rights and respect, it has no personal being. It is part of the earth man walks on; it is not man.

      If hostility to whites were ever going to dominate a Negro’s attitude and reach murderous proportions, surely it would be during a riot. But this rare opportunity for bloodletting was sublimated into arson, or turned into a kind of stormy carnival of free-merchandise distribution. Why did the rioters avoid personal attacks? The explanation cannot be fear of retribution, because the physical risks incurred in the attacks on property were no less than for personal assaults. The military forces were treating acts of petty larceny as equal to murder. Far more rioters took chances with their own lives, in their attacks on property, than threatened the life of anyone else. Why were they so violent with property then? Because property represents the white power structure, which they were attacking and trying to destroy. A curious proof of the symbolic aspect of the looting for some who took part in it is the fact that, after the riots, police received hundreds of calls from Negroes trying to return merchandise they had taken. Those people wanted the experience of taking, of redressing the power imbalance that property represents. Possession, afterward, was secondary.

      A deeper level of hostility came out in arson, which was far more dangerous than the looting. But it, too, was a demonstration and a warning. It was directed against symbols of exploitation, and it was designed to express the depth of anger in the community.

      20 votes
      1. TheRtRevKaiser
        Link Parent
        This is fascinating, I've never seen it before. Thank you for posting it.

        This is fascinating, I've never seen it before. Thank you for posting it.

        3 votes
    2. [4]
      MimicSquid
      Link Parent
      Do you know who was active at the exact same time as MLK was engaging in non-violent protest? Malcom X, who was providing the ever-present alternative to MLK's pacifism. MLK didn't have to do...

      Do you know who was active at the exact same time as MLK was engaging in non-violent protest? Malcom X, who was providing the ever-present alternative to MLK's pacifism. MLK didn't have to do violent activism for the point to be made that violence was indeed an option.

      17 votes
      1. [2]
        bret
        Link Parent
        Ok I never said it wasn't an option but that's good to know

        Ok I never said it wasn't an option but that's good to know

        3 votes
        1. MimicSquid
          Link Parent
          Glad to share. MLK's non-violence is only half the picture of that part of the Civil Rights movement. Without the violent side of the coin in Malcom X, it can seem like MLK was just so darn nice...

          Glad to share. MLK's non-violence is only half the picture of that part of the Civil Rights movement. Without the violent side of the coin in Malcom X, it can seem like MLK was just so darn nice that people changed their minds and gave people more rights. It's better seen as the status quo meeting the movement halfway by conceding to MLK's more reasonable demands because there was Malcom X's more extreme stance everpresent as an alternative.

          12 votes
      2. saturnV
        Link Parent
        I know dumping a >1hr video essay is the laziest kind of response, but I watched this video by lonerbox responding to this argument and found it convincing. It says that Malcom X never actually...

        I know dumping a >1hr video essay is the laziest kind of response, but I watched this video by lonerbox responding to this argument and found it convincing. It says that Malcom X never actually did any violent protest, and was widely disliked by the black community at the time and MLK himself. There isn't really any good evidence that what Malcom X did was effective in speeding up social change, (and your article doesn't even argue that, just that they both had similar goals)

        5 votes
  4. [2]
    Johz
    Link
    I'm sceptical of this sort of argument, because it ignores the counterfactual aspect. In this post, there's a bunch of different examples of cases where civil rights movements advanced in the...

    I'm sceptical of this sort of argument, because it ignores the counterfactual aspect. In this post, there's a bunch of different examples of cases where civil rights movements advanced in the presence of violent protests. But what would have happened if the violent protests hadn't occurred? Would the civil rights movement have failed? Would it have taken longer? Would it have gone more quickly? Looking at these isolated incidents, I don't know that I can answer those questions.

    To put it another way: given a topic like climate change, I find myself asking what the most effective way of bringing about change really is. Is it violent and destructive protest? Is it symbolic actions like chaining yourself to railings or gluing yourself to streets? Is it letter-writing campaigns? Is it a mix of different levels of these things? To me, direct action isn't legitimised simply because it occurred in aid of good things in the past. I am more interested in knowing whether direct action is a genuinely useful tool to effect the changes that I want to see today.

    8 votes
    1. daywalker
      (edited )
      Link Parent
      Andreas Malm calls this the radical flank effect. Among other movements, you see it play out in the civil rights struggle. A more radical affront both protected the pacifists and made them seem...

      Andreas Malm calls this the radical flank effect. Among other movements, you see it play out in the civil rights struggle. A more radical affront both protected the pacifists and made them seem more reasonable alternative to the status quo (as mentioned in the post).

      I gave a very direct example of this playing out in the 1968 act passing. Here's another one.

      The burst of laws enacted to ensure the rights of black people in the 1960s was not entirely its own doing, the shared honour particularly evident for the Civil Rights Act of 1964, centrepiece of the new legislation. Why did the federal government meet the long-standing demands of Martin Luther King and his peers at this moment? The turning point came at the Birmingham offensive in 1963. When the sit-ins, kneel-ins and jail-ins against segregation in the city landed King in a prison cell, the first rocks and bottles flew. After two white supremacist bombings, the disturbances sped into the premier black urban riot of the era, with roving crowds assailing police officers and smashing property; for the first time, federal troops were sent in to quell such an eruption. From his cell, King could now signal a warning: if the demands of his movement were not met, other, more menacing forces would arise. If the channel of non-violence remained closed, ‘millions of Negroes, out of frustration and despair, will seek solace and security in black nationalist ideologies’ and then ‘the streets of the South would be flowing with floods of blood’. Now this scenario curdled the blood of the Kennedy administration. Men who had the president’s ear began to bombard him with the advice that unless major concessions were made, public order would break down. Absent swift results, ‘Negroes unquestionably will look to untried and perhaps less responsible leaders’ – notably Malcolm X – and before this spectre, the federal government acquiesced. The civil rights movement won the Act of 1964 because it had a radical flank that made it appear as a lesser evil in the eyes of state power.

      • Andreas Malm, "How to Blow Up a Pipeline", 2021, 1st edition

      Malm summarizes this effect in the following.

      ...‘a division of labor in which moderates and radicals perform very different roles’: the latter stoke up the crisis to a breaking-point, the former offer a way out.

      • Andreas Malm, "How to Blow Up a Pipeline", 2021, 1st edition

      Climate justice needs both fronts. The moderates are, naturally, much more in number, but radicals are very effective at pushing the status quo. They are also very effective at direct action.

      For example, there are countless examples of sabotage against pipelines working effectively and increasing the costs for their owners, from the Egyptian Revolution to Naxalites in India, and more.

      ‘Pipelines are very easily sabotaged. A simple explosive device can put a critical section of pipeline out of operation for weeks’, the Pipeline and Gas Journal lamented in February 2005. At that point, the Iraqi resistance against US occupation had executed nearly 200 attacks on pipelines. ‘The sabotage campaign has created an inhospitable investment climate and scared away oil companies that were supposed to develop its oil and gas industry’, the Journal snivelled; to make matters worse, similar offences were committed in the part of Kurdistan under Turkish control and in Chechnya, Assam and Colombia, where leftist guerrillas had pierced a key pipeline so frequently that ‘it became known as “the flute” ’.

      The logic here is to increase the cost of running the business to make it unsustainable or less attractive. There are other examples in the book, too, but the following is extremely striking.

      Then a new record was set in the Gulf. None of the above came close to the effect of the drones launched by the Houthi rebels in Yemen – another country with a tradition of pipeline sabotage – against Aramco’s refineries in Abqaiq, the world’s biggest oil processing facility, on 14 September 2019. The unmanned vehicles swarmed into the precincts to puncture storage tanks, light fires, disable processing trains; in one fell stroke, half of the oil production in Saudi Arabia, accounting for 7 per cent of global supplies, had to be taken offline. No single action in the history of sabotage and guerrilla war had achieved a commensurate break on the pumping of oil. According to a chorus of pundits, it heralded a new era of asymmetric warfare: now rebels can use tiny, cheap, toy-like planes to knock out pillars of the energy system. Business news site Bloomberg quivered. The Abqaiq action provided ‘stark evidence of the vulnerability of global crude supply in an age of disruptive technologies that can bring a century-old industry to its knees – at least temporarily’. What more could a climate activist dream of?

      What is surprisingly lacking in climate justice is the absence of a radical front. Given the circumstances and the promises broken, we can't afford to wait for the timetables created by conformist attitudes. The radical front needs to form.

      11 votes
  5. [5]
    Grayscail
    (edited )
    Link
    When I was little there were two main "good" people who were often pointed to as examples of good moral people, Gandhi and MLK. But then when I got older, some people found it very fun to come up...

    When I was little there were two main "good" people who were often pointed to as examples of good moral people, Gandhi and MLK.

    But then when I got older, some people found it very fun to come up to me and let me know about all this terrible stuff about Gandhi online. How he was a racist and a pedophile and abused his wife and all this bad stuff. I didnt really know what to do with that information. Like, I guess fighting to end British occupation was good, but outside of the context of overthrowing colonial rule I shouldnt use Gandhi as a role model.

    But there was still MLK to act as a symbol for the idea that its ok to not actively get in fights. I mean, theres also Jesus but Christians kind of have a monopoly on that one.

    And now I have a similar feeling. My whole life Ive known of MLK as primarily a guy associated with nonviolence and how that was a good thing. In the last couple years though its been a couple times where someone has shown me this quote about white moderates like its supposed to subvert my understanding of MLK. But if I subvert the one thing I know about the guy, what am I left to think of him? MLK was the guy who advocated nonviolent protest. But also believed that violence is hella tight, actually.

    4 votes
    1. bloup
      Link Parent
      it’s not supposed to subvert your attitude or understanding of MLK. It’s supposed to subvert your own personal attitude towards oppression and its consequences, including how the people affected...

      it’s not supposed to subvert your attitude or understanding of MLK. It’s supposed to subvert your own personal attitude towards oppression and its consequences, including how the people affected respond to it. I am not a scholar on MLK so I will not speak authoritatively on what exactly he is saying here but, in my opinion, what he wants you to understand is that if literally all you’re doing with respect to furthering the goals of justice, is literally nothing except for complain when people respond in a manner which you find unproductive or harmful even, then you are part of the problem too.

      21 votes
    2. [3]
      daywalker
      (edited )
      Link Parent
      Maybe the question is why the only morally available choice for oppressed people should be nonviolence? They are, after all, subjected to incredible, systemic violence every day. Isn't insisting...

      Maybe the question is why the only morally available choice for oppressed people should be nonviolence? They are, after all, subjected to incredible, systemic violence every day. Isn't insisting on nonviolence as the virtue and violence as the sin a paternalistic oppressive ideological approach, that tells violated people how they should fight back?

      Edit: I'm not saying this to shame or blame. I've had these questionings myself, too. I think these are very legitimate questions that strike at the heart of this approach.

      5 votes
      1. [2]
        Grayscail
        (edited )
        Link Parent
        If you or someone else feels it is their path in life to use violence to bring about their long term goals, thats fine. I respect that. But I dont feel that this is just arguing for the validity...

        If you or someone else feels it is their path in life to use violence to bring about their long term goals, thats fine. I respect that. But I dont feel that this is just arguing for the validity of political violence, but going on to say that people who dont subscribe to political violence are somehow morally deficient by comparison and are prioritizing personal luxury to goodness.

        And I disagree with that idea. Nonviolence should be the morally preferable option because violence is bad for everyone involved. I dont care if MLK owned guns, I dont feel bad about not wanting to engage in violence. Sometimes people will decide to use violence anyway and thats fine if they make that choice for themselves.

        1 vote
        1. daywalker
          Link Parent
          I'm sorry but this very much conflicts with the initial message. It's very much heavily suggested in it that MLK's perceived condoning of violence implies a fall from grace for him, which is a...

          If you or someone else feels it is their path in life to use violence to bring about their long term goals, thats fine. I respect that.

          I'm sorry but this very much conflicts with the initial message. It's very much heavily suggested in it that MLK's perceived condoning of violence implies a fall from grace for him, which is a very adamant negative moralization of the use of violence.

          But I dont feel that this is just arguing for the validity of political violence, but going on to say that people who dont subscribe to political violence are somehow morally deficient by comparison and are prioritizing personal luxury to goodness.

          No, I'm not saying that, for two reasons.

          First is that I'm not criticizing people who personally don't want to do violent activism. I'm criticizing the fetishization of nonviolence and the underlying assumptions. I'm criticizing people who see nonviolence as the only legitimate way of fighting back.

          Second, I'm asking the reader to question their own assumptions about violence. People who are not subjected to systemic violence most often don't realize, when they -directly or indirectly- ask the oppressed people to use only nonviolent means, they are asking them to be okay with being subjected to violence, in the name of some "peaceful" nonviolent virtue. This approach overlooks the plight and urgency of the oppressed, and tells them to follow a supposedly universal virtue, which actually turns out to come from a place of privilege. The privileged can afford to turn a blind eye or downplay systemic violence, the unprivileged cannot.

          Believing in this supposed universality would be an ideological trap for the oppressed. It's akin to (but not the same thing as) believing in the "All lives matter" motto. It's a universal declaration, and out of context it's not a bad thing. But in context, while claiming to be a universal value, it's a reaction by the privileged that shows a lack of empathy for the oppressed.

          Another example is white people in USA who talk about "not seeing race" as a virtue. It sounds like a good universal to them, but it's actually a very much criticized privilege that shows they have the luxury to not see race. They don't have to think about their or the opposing party's race when the police stops them, for example, or when someone refuses to rent or sell them a house.

          I should clarify that these are analogies. I'm not saying that you subscribe these examples, or that they are the exact same thing. They are just similar in the aspect I described.

          So, denouncing violent activism completely might be a privilege for some people, e.g. people from developed nations, people who are middle or upper class, people who don't live in a climate hotzone, people who don't live in an island nation, etc. But it's not a privilege for other groups, e.g. people from developing nations, working class people, people who live in hotzones, island nation peoples, etc.

          Nonviolence should be the morally preferable option

          I agree with this. I disagree that it is the only way.

          4 votes
  6. Gaywallet
    Link
    It's been abundantly clear throughout history that no change ever comes when there isn't violence. If there are no stakes, why would those in power cede it? Violence must be inflicted for there to...

    It's been abundantly clear throughout history that no change ever comes when there isn't violence. If there are no stakes, why would those in power cede it? Violence must be inflicted for there to be change. Violence doesn't have to be physical, however. A strike, for example, is a form of violence - it is violence against the production of capital, a violence against shareholders, a violence against profit. In the space of climate justice, physically blocking a pipe from being made or other environment destruction is also a form of violence, against the endless pursuit of profit at the expense of our environment. Depriving those in power of their source of power (wealth is power) is a particularly useful kind of violence that can enact change, we just need to find ways to be more creative with violence directed at the creation of capital.

    7 votes